Freeman Dyson

 

Our Biotech Future

By Freeman Dyson
The New York Review of Books, July 19, 2007

Edited by Andy Ross

I predict that the domestication of biotechnology will dominate our lives during the next fifty years at least as much as the domestication of computers has dominated our lives during the previous fifty years.

Domesticated biotechnology, once it gets into the hands of housewives and children, will give us an explosion of diversity of new living creatures. Designing genomes will be a personal thing, a new art form as creative as painting or sculpture.

Few of the new creations will be masterpieces, but a great many will bring joy to their creators and variety to our fauna and flora. The final step in the domestication of biotechnology will be biotech games, designed like computer games for children down to kindergarten age but played with real eggs and seeds rather than with images on a screen.

Carl Woese is the world's greatest expert in the field of microbial taxonomy. He discovered the large-scale structure of the tree of life. Before Woese, the tree of life had two main branches called prokaryotes and eukaryotes, the prokaryotes composed of cells without nuclei and the eukaryotes composed of cells with nuclei. All kinds of plants and animals, including humans, belonged to the eukaryote branch. The prokaryote branch contained only microbes. Woese discovered that there are two fundamentally different kinds of prokaryotes, which he called bacteria and archea. So he constructed a new tree of life with three branches, bacteria, archea, and eukaryotes.

Woese presents evidence that Darwinian evolution does not go back to the beginning of life. Woese is postulating a golden age of pre-Darwinian life, when horizontal gene transfer was universal and separate species did not yet exist. Life was then a community of cells of various kinds, sharing their genetic information so that clever chemical tricks and catalytic processes invented by one creature could be inherited by all of them. Evolution was a communal affair.

But then, one day, a cell resembling a primitive bacterium happened to find itself one jump ahead of its neighbors in efficiency. That cell separated itself from the community and refused to share. Its offspring became the first species of bacteria. With their superior efficiency, the bacteria continued to prosper and to evolve separately. Some millions of years later, another cell separated itself from the community and became the ancestor of the archea. Some time after that, a third cell separated itself and became the ancestor of the eukaryotes.

The Darwinian interlude has lasted for two or three billion years. It probably slowed down the pace of evolution considerably. The basic biochemical machinery of life had evolved rapidly during the few hundreds of millions of years of the pre-Darwinian era, and changed very little in the next two billion years of microbial evolution.

Now, after three billion years, the epoch of Darwinian evolution based on competition between species ended about ten thousand years ago, when Homo sapiens began to dominate and reorganize the biosphere. Since that time, cultural evolution has replaced biological evolution as the main driving force of change. Cultures spread by horizontal transfer of ideas more than by genetic inheritance.

In the era of Open Source biology, the magic of genes will be available to anyone with the skill and imagination to use it. The way will be open for biotechnology to move into the mainstream of economic development, to help us solve some of our urgent social problems and ameliorate the human condition all over the earth.

A plant is a creature that uses the energy of sunlight to convert water and carbon dioxide and other simple chemicals into roots and leaves and flowers. To live, it needs to collect sunlight. But it uses sunlight with low efficiency. Artificial solar collectors made of silicon can do much better. We can imagine that in the future we may breed new crop plants that have leaves made of silicon, converting sunlight into chemical energy with ten times the efficiency of natural plants.

If the natural evolution of plants had been driven by the need for high efficiency of utilization of sunlight, then the leaves of all plants would have been black. Obviously plant evolution was driven by other needs, and in particular by the need for protection against overheating. That is why it is reasonable for plants in tropical climates to be green. But this logic does not explain why plants in cold climates where sunlight is scarce are also green.

After we have explored this route to the end, when we have created new forests of black-leaved plants that can use sunlight ten times more efficiently than natural plants, we shall be confronted by a new set of environmental problems. The twenty-first century will bring us powerful new tools of genetic engineering with which to manipulate our farms and forests.

Green technology is based on biology, gray technology on physics and chemistry. Roughly speaking, green technology is the technology that gave birth to village communities ten thousand years ago, starting from the domestication of plants and animals. Gray technology is the technology that gave birth to cities and empires five thousand years later.

Within a few more decades, as the continued exploring of genomes gives us better knowledge of the architecture of living creatures, we shall be able to design new species of microbes and plants according to our needs. The way will then be open for green technology to do more cheaply and more cleanly many of the things that gray technology can do, and also to do many things that gray technology has failed to do.

Many of the people who call themselves green are passionately opposed to green technology. But in the end, if the technology is developed carefully and deployed with sensitivity to human feelings, it is likely to be accepted by most of the people who will be affected by it, just as the equally unnatural and unfamiliar green technologies of milking cows and plowing soils and fermenting grapes were accepted by our ancestors long ago.

My book The Sun, the Genome, and the Internet (1999) describes a vision of green technology enriching villages all over the world and halting the migration from villages to megacities.

 

The Sun, the Genome, and the Internet
by Freeman Dyson
Oxford University Press, 142 pages

From the complete review's review:

We have always admired Freeman Dyson highly. A talented scientist with many interests, he has also managed to convey his interests and thoughts in his thoughtful and accessible writing.

This small book, based on lectures given at the New York Public Library in 1997 again allow him to share his interesting thoughts with a wider audience.

Dyson's greatest asset as a scientist and thinker is his openness to all possibilities. He understands that the unexpected is often the most likely of outcomes, and he is prepared to entertain that and most other possibilities.

Dyson is also a humanist in the broadest sense of the word. For Dyson, one of the marvels of science is that it can make life so much better for so many, and one of his goals is to help in that regard.

Dyson is an admirable fellow, and this is an admirable book.
 

AR  Indeed, an admirable fellow. He was a contemporary of Richard Feynman, and like him a pioneer of quantum electrodynamics (he proved the equivalence of the three approaches taken by the Nobelists Feynman, Schwinger, and Tomonaga). For some decades now he has been at the institute in Princeton where Einstein and Gφdel used to work. Earlier, he was British, and even learned differential equations at school from the same textbook by Piaggio that I used (but I had a new copy). Truly an inspiring figure.
 

Global Warming

By Freeman Dyson
The New York Review of Books, June 12, 2008

Edited by Andy Ross

A Question of Balance: Weighing the Options on Global Warming Policies
By William Nordhaus
Yale University Press, 234 pages

Global Warming: Looking Beyond Kyoto
Edited by Ernesto Zedillo
Yale Center for the Study of Globalization/Brookings Institution Press, 237 pages

There is a famous graph showing the fraction of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere as it varies month by month and year by year. It gives us our firmest and most accurate evidence of effects of human activities on our global environment. The graph is generally known as the Keeling graph. Keeling measured the carbon dioxide abundance in the atmosphere from 1958 until 2005.

The measurements have continued since 2005, and show an unbroken record of rising carbon dioxide abundance extending over fifty years. The graph shows a steady increase of carbon dioxide with time, beginning at 315 parts per million in 1958 and reaching 385 parts per million in 2008. And it shows a regular wiggle showing a yearly cycle of growth and decline of carbon dioxide levels. The maximum happens each year in the Northern Hemisphere spring, the minimum in the Northern Hemisphere fall.

The only plausible explanation of the annual wiggle and its variation with latitude is that it is due to the seasonal growth and decay of annual vegetation in temperate latitudes north and south. The asymmetry of the wiggle between north and south is caused by the fact that the Northern Hemisphere has most of the land area. The wiggle measures of the quantity of carbon absorbed from the atmosphere each summer north and south by growing vegetation, and returned each winter to the atmosphere by dying and decaying vegetation.

When we put together the evidence from the wiggles and the distribution of vegetation over the earth, it turns out that about 8 percent of the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is absorbed by vegetation and returned to the atmosphere every year. This means that the average lifetime of a molecule of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, before it is captured by vegetation and afterward released, is about twelve years. This fact is of fundamental importance to the long-range future of global warming. Neither of the books under review mentions it.

William Nordhaus is a professional economist, and his book describes the global-warming problem as an economist sees it. He is not concerned with the science of global warming. He compares the effectiveness of various policies for the allocation of economic resources in response. His conclusions are largely independent of scientific details. He calculates aggregated expenditures and costs and gains by running a computer model called DICE, Dynamic Integrated Model of Climate and the Economy.

Each run of DICE takes as input a particular policy for allocating expenditures year by year. The allocated resources are spent on subsidizing costly technologies that reduce emissions of carbon dioxide, or placing a tax on activities that produce carbon emissions. The climate model part of DICE calculates the effect of the reduced emissions in reducing damage. The output of DICE then tells us the resulting gains and losses of the world economy year by year. Each run begins at the year 2005 and ends either at 2105 or 2205.

The practical unit of economic resources is a trillion inflation-adjusted dollars. An inflation-adjusted dollar means a sum of money with the same purchasing power as a real dollar in 2005. The difference in outcome between one policy and another is typically several trillion dollars.

Nordhaus gives a summary of his results and their consequences. He believes that the most important concern of any policy that aims to address climate change should be how to set the most efficient "carbon price," which he defines as "the market price or penalty that would be paid by those who use fossil fuels and thereby generate CO2 emissions." He writes: "To a first approximation, raising the price of carbon is a necessary and sufficient step for tackling global warming."

Nordhaus examines five kinds of global-warming policy. The first kind is business as usual, in which case, he estimates damages to the environment amounting to some $23 trillion in current dollars by the year 2100. The second kind is the "optimal policy," judged by Nordhaus to be the most cost-effective, with a worldwide tax on carbon emissions adjusted each year to give the maximum aggregate economic gain as calculated by DICE. The third kind is the Kyoto Protocol, imposing fixed limits to the emissions of economically developed countries only.

The fourth kind of policy is labeled "ambitious" proposals, with two versions which Nordhaus calls "Stern" and "Gore." "Stern" is the policy advocated by the Stern Review, an economic analysis sponsored by the British government. "Stern" imposes draconian limits on emissions. "Gore" is a policy advocated by Al Gore, with emissions reduced drastically but gradually, the reductions reaching 90 percent of current levels before the year 2050. The fifth and last kind is called "low-cost backstop," a policy based on a hypothetical low-cost technology for removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, or for producing energy without carbon dioxide emission.

Since each policy put through DICE is allowed to run for one or two hundred years, its economic effectiveness must be measured by an aggregated sum of gains and losses over the whole duration of the run. The question is then how to compare present-day gains and losses with gains and losses a hundred years in the future. If we can save M dollars of damage caused by climate change in the year 2110 by spending one dollar on reducing emissions in the year 2010, how large must M be to make the spending worthwhile?

The conventional answer is to say that M must be larger than the expected return in 2110 if the 2010 dollar were invested in the world economy for a hundred years at an average rate of compound interest. The question then is how well different strategies of dealing with global warming succeed in producing long-term benefits that outweigh their present costs.

Nordhaus displays the results only for a discount rate of 4 percent. This is a conservative number, based on an average of past experience in good and bad times, assuming that the next hundred years will bring overall average growth continuing at the same rate that we have experienced during the 20th century.

When the future costs and benefits are discounted at a rate of 4 percent per year, the aggregated costs and benefits of a climate policy over the entire future are finite. The costs and benefits beyond a hundred years make little difference to the calculated aggregate. Nordhaus therefore takes the aggregate benefit-minus-cost over the entire future as a measure of the net value of the policy. He uses this single number, calculated with the DICE model of the world economy, as a figure of merit to compare one policy with another.

The net values of the various policies as calculated by the DICE model are calculated as differences from the business-as-usual model, without any emission controls. A plus value means that the policy is better than business as usual, a minus value that it is worse. The unit of value is $1 trillion, and the values are specified to the nearest trillion. The net value of the optimal program, a global carbon tax increasing gradually with time, is plus three. The Kyoto Protocol has a value of plus one with US participation, zero without US participation. The "Stern" policy has a value of minus 15, the "Gore" policy minus 21, and "low-cost backstop" plus 17.

The main conclusion of the Nordhaus analysis is that the ambitious proposals, "Stern" and "Gore," are disastrously expensive, the "low-cost backstop" is enormously advantageous if it can be achieved, and the other policies including business-as-usual and Kyoto are only moderately worse than the optimal policy. The practical consequence is that we should:
— Avoid the ambitious proposals
— Develop the science and technology for a low-cost backstop
— Negotiate an international treaty coming close to the optimal policy
— Avoid making the Kyoto Protocol policy permanent

Nordhaus does not discuss the details of the "low-cost backstop" that might provide a climate policy vastly more profitable than his optimum policy. He avoids this subject because he is an economist and not a scientist. He does not wish to question the pronouncements of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, a group of hundreds of scientists appointed by the United Nations.

The Keeling graph shows us that every carbon dioxide molecule in the atmosphere is incorporated in a plant within a time of the order of twelve years. Therefore, if we can control what the plants do with the carbon, the fate of the carbon in the atmosphere is in our hands. That is what Nordhaus meant when he mentioned "genetically engineered carbon-eating trees" as a low-cost backstop to global warming. I consider it likely that we shall have such trees within a few decades.

Carbon-eating trees could convert most of the carbon that they absorb from the atmosphere into some chemically stable form and bury it. Or they could convert it into liquid fuels and other useful chemicals. Biotechnology is capable of burying or transforming any molecule of carbon dioxide that comes into its grasp. If one quarter of the world's forests were replanted with carbon-eating varieties of the same species, the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere would be reduced by half in about fifty years.

It is likely that biotechnology will dominate our lives and our economic activities during the second half of the 21st century. Biotechnology could spread wealth wherever there is land and air and water and sunlight. After we have mastered biotechnology, some low-cost and environmentally benign backstop to carbon emissions is likely to become a reality.

Global Warming is the record of a conference held at the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization in 2005. The book consists of an introduction by Ernesto Zedillo, who was chairman of the conference, and 14 chapters by speakers at the conference. Among the speakers was William Nordhaus.

The Zedillo book covers a much wider range of topics and opinions than the Nordhaus book. It includes a chapter by Richard Lindzen, professor of atmospheric sciences at MIT, who does not deny the existence of global warming, but considers the predictions of its harmful effects to be grossly exaggerated.

Answering Lindzen in the next chapter is Stefan Rahmstorf, professor of physics of the oceans at Potsdam University in Germany. Rahmstorf sums up his opinion of Lindzen's arguments in one sentence: "All this seems completely out of touch with the world of climate science as I know it and, to be frank, simply ludicrous."

In the history of science it has often happened that the majority was wrong and refused to listen to a minority that later turned out to be right. The great virtue of Nordhaus's economic analysis is that it remains valid whether the majority view is right or wrong. Nordhaus's optimum policy takes both possibilities into account.

The last five chapters of the Zedillo book are by writers from five of the countries most concerned with the politics of global warming: Russia, Britain, Canada, India, and China. Each of the five authors has been responsible for giving technical advice to a government, and each of them gives us a statement of that government's policy.

Howard Dalton, spokesman for the British government, says: "It is the firm view of the United Kingdom that climate change constitutes a major threat to the environment and human society, that urgent action is needed now across the world to avert that threat, and that the developed world needs to show leadership in tackling climate change."

All the books that I have seen about the science and economics of global warming, including the two books under review, miss the main point. The main point is religious rather than scientific. There is a worldwide secular religion which we may call environmentalism, holding that we are stewards of the earth, that despoiling the planet with waste products of our luxurious living is a sin, and that the path of righteousness is to live as frugally as possible.

Environmentalism has replaced socialism as the leading secular religion. And the ethics of environmentalism are fundamentally sound. Scientists and economists that ruthless destruction of natural habitats is evil and careful preservation of birds and butterflies is good. The worldwide community of environmentalists holds the moral high ground. This is a religion that we can all share.

Unfortunately, some members of the environmental movement believe that global warming is the greatest threat to the ecology of our planet. Much of the public has come to believe that anyone who is skeptical about the dangers of global warming is an enemy of the environment. The skeptics now have the difficult task of convincing the public that the opposite is true. Many of the skeptics are horrified to see the obsession with global warming distracting public attention from what they see as more serious and more immediate dangers to the planet.
 

AR  Freeman is right, as always. His wisdom is a priceless treasure.

 

Global Warming as Mass Neurosis

By Bret Stephens
The Wall Street Journal, July 1, 2008

Last week marked the 20th anniversary of the mass hysteria phenomenon known as global warming.

Much of the science has since been discredited. NASA now confirms that the hottest year on record in the continental 48 was not 1998, as previously believed, but 1934, and that six of the 10 hottest years since 1880 antedate 1954. Data from 3,000 scientific robots in the world's oceans show there has been slight cooling in the past five years.

The Arctic ice cap may be thinning, but the extent of Antarctic sea ice has been expanding for years. At least as of February, last winter was the Northern Hemisphere's coldest in decades. In May, German climate modelers reported in the journal Nature that global warming is due for a decade-long vacation.

This last item raises a question: If even slight global cooling remains evidence of global warming, what isn't evidence of global warming? What we have here is a nonfalsifiable hypothesis. It isn't science.

The place where discussions of global warming belong is in the realm of belief, and particularly the motives for belief. I see three mutually compatible explanations.

The first is as a vehicle of ideological convenience. Socialism may have failed as an economic theory, but global warming alarmism is equally a rebuke to capitalism. Take just about any other discredited leftist nostrum of yore – population control, higher taxes, a vast new regulatory regime, global economic redistribution, an enhanced role for the United Nations – and global warming provides a justification.

A second explanation is theological. Surely it is no accident that the principal catastrophe predicted by global warming alarmists is diluvian in nature. And surely it is in keeping with this essentially religious outlook that the "solutions" chiefly offered to global warming involve radical changes to personal behavior. A light carbon footprint has become the 21st-century equivalent of sexual abstinence.

Finally, there is a psychological explanation. Listen carefully to the global warming alarmists, and the main theme that emerges is that what the developed world needs is a large dose of penance. If you're inclined to believe that our successes are undeserved and that prosperity is morally suspect, global warming is nature's great come-uppance, affirming as nothing else our guilty conscience for our worldly success.

William James distinguishes between healthy, life-affirming religion and the "morbid-minded" religion of the sick-souled. Global warming is sick-souled religion.


Bret Stephens is a Wall Street Journal columnist on foreign affairs. Earlier, he was editor-in-chief of The Jerusalem Post. In 2004, he was named a Young Global Leader by the World Economic Forum, where he is also a media fellow.
 

AR  A refreshingly forthright opinion, and the William James invocation hits the spot. But the scientific details are still troubling enough to be worth serious and ongoing debate.